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The
Legalisation of Prostitution: A failed social experiment
© Sheila
Jeffreys
Talk given at the Swedish Mission side event at the Commission on the
Status of Women, United Nations, New York 5/03/03
I shall suggest today
that the social experiment of legalising brothel prostitution which took
place in Australia in the 1980s and 1990s has failed in all of its objectives
i.e. stopping the illegal industry and police corruption, reducing the
harm to women, stopping street prostitution. In fact these harms have
increased and significant new harms have joined them such as the traffic
in women. Australian legalisation has been used as a model by those countries
who have recently legalised, such as the Netherlands, and those who are
considering it e.g. New Zealand. It is very important then, to look at
how this experiment has failed lest any other countries hope to alleviate
the harms of prostitution by going down the legalisation track.
Background:
Feminists worked for
50 years, mostly through the Trafficking in Persons committee of the League
of Nations between the World Wars to stop the traffic in women into prostitution
(Jeffreys, Sheila. The Idea of Prostitution. 1997).
The result of their work was the 1949 Convention Against Trafficking in
Persons and the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others which is an
anti-prostitution convention. It states that prostitution is against the
dignity and worth of the human person. The convention requires states
parties to penalise pimping and brothelkeeping. However, in the decades
following the ‘sexual revolution’ of the 1960/70s a rather
different understanding of prostitution was developed. Some prostitutes’
rights organisations and sex industry entrepreneurs argued that prostitution
should be seen as work, women’s choice and agency. The pimps became
respectable and the male buyers dropped out of the picture.
In this context brothel
prostitution was legalised in Victoria in Australia in 1984, the Australian
Capital Territory in 1992, and Queensland in 1999. New South Wales decriminalised
brothel and street prostitution in 1995. Since then the Victorian and
New South Wales examples in particular have been held up as good practice
in national and international fora by proponents of legalisation. For
instance the report proposing decriminalisation in New Zealand says that
New South Wales is the model that it follows. Legalisation and decriminalisation
are adopted and proposed as solutions to the problems attendant upon prostitution
such as public health concerns, the safety of prostituted women, the containment
of organised crime and the amenity issues created by brothels and street
prostitution. Underlying this approach to prostitution is the belief that
men’s prostitution behaviour is inevitable. The Tasmanian Community
Development Report explains ‘the demand for commercial sex services
is likely to continue into the future as it has in the past’ (Parliament
of Tasmania. Community Development Committee Report on The Need for Legislative
Regulation and Reform of the Sex Industry in Tasmania. 1999 p17).
This idea lay behind legalisation in the Netherlands too. Legalisation
was said in the parliamentary discussions to be ‘realistic’
and recognising a ‘fact’ and the very different Swedish policy
of penalising the buyer which is based upon the idea that the ‘fact’
of men’s prostitution behaviour can be changed, was called ‘unrealistic’
and ‘unworkable’ (Outshoorn, Joyce 2002: Legalizing
Prostitution as Sexual Service: The Case of the Netherlands. www.essex.ac.uk/ecpr/jointsessions/Copenhagen/paper/ws12/
). In the Netherlands debates parliamentarians discussed likely dilemmas
that would emerge from legalisation such as whether ‘women on social
security would be required to take up prostitution as ‘fitting’
work’ to retain their benefits and whether brothel entrepreneurs
could get government loans to set up their businesses.
The idea that men’s
prostitution behaviour is inevitable suggests that prostitution should
be understood as a harmful traditional practice. It fits UN criteria for
harmful traditional/ cultural practices very well. It harms the health
of women and girls, it creates stereotyped sex roles, it is for the benefit
of men, arises from the oppression of women and is justified by tradition
(Wynter, Thompson and Jeffreys 2002: The UN Approach to
Harmful Cultural Practices. International Feminist Journal of Politics.
April).
Legalisation
is a step back in time:
In the Australian
states and territory and in the Netherlands, legalisation of brothel prostitution
has taken similar forms. In each case brothels that want to operate legally
must apply for licenses or planning permission through local authority
planning procedures. One problem common to these regimes of legalisation
is the fact that local authorities cannot refuse planning permission to
a brothel so long as certain conditions are met. This removes some of
the scope for local democracy. Citizens are forced to have brothels in
their streets even if every single one of them objects. In each case too,
the prostituted women, but not the male customers are examined for sexual
diseases on a regular basis. As the Dutch national Rapporteur on trafficking
remarks, legalisation in the Netherlands harks back to the nineteenth
century when ‘public vice’ was regulated to ‘protect
the safety and health of the man’ (Dutch National
Rapporteur 2002: Trafficking in Human Beings. The Hague: Bureau
NRM). In 1911 brothels were banned in the Netherlands as a result
of the activities of abolitionist campaigners many of whom were strongly
feminist in sympathy. Wherever legalisation and regulation of brothel
prostitution are introduced they represent a return to a time when it
was considered reasonable for the state to take a role in providing disease
free women for men’s sexual purchase. It is a return to the time
of the contagious diseases acts, as they were called in the British Empire,
which feminists mounted a fierce and successful campaign against on the
grounds that they abrogated the civil liberties of the women and gave
state approval to the men’s behaviour.
1/ Safeguarding
public health.
When legalisation
is embarked upon in the present the preservation of public health from
sexually transmitted diseases is usually still given as the most important
aim. In fact the object is to protect the health of the male buyers. In
legalised prostitution the women are inspected, not the men. The practices
of prostitution in legal brothels place women in the kind of danger to
their health that would be inconceivable in other kinds of work. Women
are at risk of unwanted pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases because
many men will not wear condoms. A study in Melbourne, Victoria, found
that 40 percent of clients had used prostituted women without wearing
condoms (Louie, R 1998: Project Client Call. Melbourne,
Macfarlane Burnett Centre for Medical Research). Also men sometimes
deliberately tear condoms or take them off when women are not watching.
Occupational health and safety advice for prostituted women working in
legal brothels in Australia advises women to get into sexual positions
where they can check to see that the condom is in place without the man
noticing (Sex Workers’ Outreach Project 1995, in
Mary Sullivan’s PHD in progress (2003) ‘Making Sex Work in
Victoria’, Department of Political Science, University of Melbourne).
2/ Controlling
the size and shape of the industry and containing organised crime
The desire to contain organised crime was the most significant underlying
reason for legalisation in Victoria. This is one area in which legalisation
is spectacularly unsuccessful. Where legalisation is introduced there
always seems to be an illegal sector which is considerably larger than
the legal sector. In Victoria estimates from the police and the legal
brothel industry put the number of illegal brothels at 400, four times
more than the legal ones (Murphy, Padraic 2002: Licensed
brothels call for blitz on illegal sex shops. The Age 3 June).
Victoria, ACT and Queensland require police checks on prospective brothel
owners to make sure that they do not have criminal offences on their records.
But such checks are not necessarily effective. In Melbourne, for instance,
one of the largest brothels was set up by the nephew of ‘the notorious
late Robert Trimbole’ (Hoser 1999). In some
cases, it seems, brothel owners may just be members of organized crime
families who do not have offences to their names. In other cases men with
convictions can effectively run legal brothels whilst not being the official
owners through frontspeople or organisations.
3/ Eliminating
corruption
In two states royal
commissions have been held to investigate the problem of police corruption
with particular reference to prostitution. These are the Fitzgerald Inquiry
in Queensland (1989) and the Wood Commission in New South Wales (1997).
The Bracks Labour government in Victoria promised on taking office for
the first time that there would be such an inquiry but it has not taken
place. Instead a woman police commissioner, Christine Nixon, has been
installed. There is evidence for the corruption of police, the magistracy,
the judiciary, lawyers and politicians in relation to prostitution in
some published sources and in the Royal Commission reports (Hoser,
Raymond, Victoria Police Corruption, 1999; Bottom, Bob, The Godfather
in Australia, 1988). In Victoria and in New South Wales there is
evidence to suggest that the practice of giving hotshots (heroin overdoses)
has been used by police involved in the prostitution industry to eliminate
troublesome women (Ibid and Evidence to Wood Commission
1997).
3/ Making
women safer
Concern for the safety
of the women in prostitution is often given as one of the reasons for
legalising or decriminalising by governments. Women in prostitution experience
two forms of violence, that which is not paid for and that which is. Unpaid
for violence includes rapes, assaults and murder. The paid for or ‘commercial’
violence includes all the day to day prostitution activities that, research
tells us, prostituted women routinely have to dissociate emotionally from
in order to survive. Women do not escape the unpaid for violence in legal
brothels. One example of unpaid for violence comes from the classiest
brothel in Melbourne, The Daily Planet, which was launched on the Stock
Exchange in February 2003. The Daily Planet has alarm buttons in the rooms
that women can press to call the bouncer. Unfortunately women only press
these once they have been hit. A bouncer at the brothel interviewed in
the local paper explains that he runs up and breaks the door open when
the bell rings (the locks are flimsy) (Everything But the
Girls. TheSunday Age 31/05/98). But the damage has already
been done. There is no way to prevent women being hit in the best run
brothels and it is, according to the bouncer’s account, not uncommon.
The forms of injury
can be particularly severe for women working in sadomasochism. I have
been told by a woman counselor from a rape crisis center that women from
sadomasochist brothels are likely to come for help covered in bruises.
In SM brothels most of the women employed are not dominatrixes but
submissives,
sometimes called slaves. They receive violence. The violence can include
cutting, piercing and branding and this is commercial violence and completely
legal. The women have no recourse because it is what they are paid for.
Mary Sullivan’s
research on the Occupational Health and Safety Codes for brothels developed
in Australia by state governments and prostitutes’ rights organizations
is very useful for demonstrating the violence of the industry (Sullivan,
Mary. Making Sex Work in Victoria. PHD in progress 2003, Department of
Political Science, University of Melbourne). The idea behind OHS
for brothels is that prostitution can be treated like hairdressing or
office work and the codes do cover such things as slipping on wet floors.
However where the codes address the violence of prostitution they show
the reality of the power relations involved in grim detail. There is a
state supported programme on self-defence and conflict resolution for
the sex industry, for instance, which shows that prostituted women can
find themselves in situations similar to hostages. Women are trained in
how to react to threatening situations (Quoted in Sullivan
as above).
The Ugly Mugs programme
which operates in all states that have legalised prostitution shows how
fundamentally dangerous the ‘work’ of prostitution is. In
the programme reports on violent buyers are distributed to police, social
workers and prostituted women. This is not necessary in other forms of
women’s work. The OHS codes suggest that women exercise their ‘intuition’
to help work out whether the buyers are likely to be violent. Prostituted
women can, however, find themselves fined by their employers if they refuse
a client they consider to be dangerous.
The OHS codes recommend
that sadomasochist practice is safer than conventional sex because it
is less likely to communicate sexually transmitted infections. But they
recommend training in the use of sadomasochist equipment such as branding
irons, whips and canes, hot wax and piercing instruments because of the
damage they cause. Body fluids such as blood, vomit, urine, faeces, saliva
and semen, they point out, may contain infectious organisms. There is
advice on how to do fistfucking of anus and vagina which can tear the
colon and be life threatening (Ibid).
Legalisation makes
men more demanding of practices which women do not like and makes women
more powerless to resist them because of greater competition, and gives
more power to the brothel owners. One result is that there is a greatly
increased demand for anal sex. Prostituted women charge more for anal
sex because it is always painful but charge extra if the penis is large
because that causes particular pain (Barclay, Ingrid. Interactive
Processes in Brothel Prostitution. Honours Thesis. University of Melbourne
2001).
4/ Eliminating
street prostitution
Proponents of legalisation
argued that street prostituted women would choose to work in legal brothels
for safety reasons. This has not happened and the problems associated
with street prostitution remain. These include severe violence against
the women and children involved, drug addiction, and problems for residents
such as being solicited, used condoms, faeces and injecting equipment
being deposited in streets and gardens, and sexual acts taking place in
doorways and yards (Attorney-General’s Street Prostitution
Advisory Group, Interim Report, Victoria 2001). Research estimates
that 80% of street prostituted women in Victoria are drug users and 85-90%
are homeless (Prostitutes Collective of Victoria (1994)
cited in Noske, H and Deacon, S. 1996, Off Our Backs: A report into
the Exit and Retraining Needs of Victorian Sex Workers). The
Victorian government report into this issue states that it is ‘not
concerned with moral arguments’, however harmful this traditional
practice is, and ‘accepts that prostitution will continue’
(Victoria 2001:13).
Local councils and
state governments have undertaken new legislation and initiatives to try
to deal with a problem that is increasing. In New South Wales, where street
prostitution is decriminalised but restricted to certain areas, a local
council has set up ‘safe-houses’ to which women who pick up
men in the tolerance zones in South Sydney can take the male buyers. Women
regularly solicit outside the zones and still cause amenity problems for
residents. The safe-houses have been identified by the police as being
implicated, like many of the other brothels, in drug distribution (ABC
Radio National. The Law Report 2002). In St Kilda, Victoria, where
an estimated 350 women are in street prostitution (Victoria
2001), a plan to create ‘sex-worker centres’ and tolerance
zones along similar lines was abandoned just before a state election after
residents and traders expressed their strong opposition. Safe-houses and
sex-worker centers under the control of local government might be better
understood as state brothels. One difficulty with the creation of tolerance
zones is that what is being tolerated is men’s aggressive prostitution
behaviour as they solicit and abuse women. Thus such zones remove the
rights of women citizens who are not prostituted to walk in certain areas
of cities and turn those areas over to the exercise of men’s violence.
5/ Eliminating
the traffic in women
Legalisation and decriminalisation
lead to the growth of the industry of prostitution. The traffic in women
to supply the legal and illegal brothels is an inevitable result. Sex
entrepreneurs find it hard to source women locally to supply an expanding
industry and trafficked women are more vulnerable and more profitable.
Trafficked women are placed in both illegal and legal brothels in Victoria.
They can work legally in legal brothels with work permits if the traffickers
apply on their behalf for refugee status. The traffickers sell the women
to legal and illegal brothels in Victoria for $15,000 each. The women
are debt bonded so the profits of their enslavement do not go to them.
There are ongoing investigations of several inner-suburban brothels suspected
of using women brought from South-East Asia on tourist visas. Police suspect
they are forced to have sex with 800 men to pay of debts to the traffickers
before they receive any money. They appear, a police spokesman, said ‘to
be flown here to order’ (Murphy, Padraic 2002: Licensed
brothels call for blitz on illegal sex shops. The Age 3 June).
It is estimated that $1 million is earnt from trafficked women weekly.
The 2000 Protocol
on Trafficking in Persons of the UN Convention on Organised Crime recognises
the connection between trafficking in women and prostitution and calls
upon states’ parties to put in place strategies to reduce the demand
for prostitution. The legalisation of brothel prostitution, I suggest,
specifically creates the demand. As the prostitution industry grows so
brothel owners require trafficked women to meet the demand. This has happened
in those European cities where brothel prostitution has been tolerated
in recent times. In Amsterdam, where brothel prostitution was formally
legalised in 2000, owners are only allowed to employ women with EU residency
and who are registered to work as prostitutes. Brothel owners are complaining
loudly that they have lost the majority of their workers and cannot begin
to meet the demand (Rapporteur’s Report on Trafficking
into the Netherlands 2002). Moreover eligible women are being frightened
off by requirements that prostituted women be identified and that the
tax authorities need to be informed. Thus there are pressures to create
‘legal and controlled access to the Dutch market’ for those
currently classified as ‘illegals’ and lift the temporary
the ban on ‘illegals’. The idea that there should be ‘legal’
trafficking in response to an increased demand is in complete contradiction
to the requirements of the 2000 Optional Protocol.
A culture
of prostitution
The legalisation of
prostitution not only fails to alleviate the harms of prostitution. It
creates new and serious harms. It creates a culture of prostitution. When
brothel prostitution is legalised men’s prostitution behaviour is
normalised. Prostitution takes an ordinary and everyday place in the culture
and girls and boys, women and men are educated that the behaviour of the
buyers, in Melbourne in 1998 60,000 men per week, is acceptable.
The culture that legalised
prostitution creates has damaging effects on the status and day to day
lives of all women in that culture. In Melbourne there are brothels on
many streets, including a sadomasochist brothel and an ordinary brothel
on the street where I live. Children walk past brothels on their way to
school and buy their summer swimsuits in a shop opposite a brothel. Brothel
owners are in the Rotary Club and are profiled as role models in respectable
newspapers. Brothels are listed on the Stock Exchange.
A failed social
experiment
In legalising brothel
prostitution policymakers are engaging in a risky experiment with the
lives of women. Legalisation has failed to solve the harms of prostitution
in Australia. It is likely to be just as much a failure in the Netherlands.
Men’s prostitution behaviour is no more inevitable than any other
kind of violence. Legislation and education can be used to reduce men’s
demand and gradually bring their prostitution behaviour to an end.
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