42nd Battalion AIF 1918
Enterprise
The Great Push, August 8th- the Daylight Stunt-
-Happy Valley- Mont St Quentin-Tincourt
The Great Push, August the Eighth.
Termed by the enemy, "Germany's Black Day," the Eighth of August stands out in bold relief as the brightest in the Australian annals of the War.
It was at 3.30 (one hour before zero) that we assembled on our "jumping-off tape." We were all fresh and fit. The movement was carried out without the slightest hitch or hesitation.
With the arrival of zero hour (4.20 am) our artillery opened out with a deafening crash, to which the enemy artillery lost no time in responding.
We infantry started forward immediately accompanied by the huge prodigies of mechanism called tank, with which we now considered ourselves on terms of familiarity. Here we were together; those immense ungainly, uncanny monsters and ourselves, moving forward in unison through the early morning gloom, a gloom that was intensified by a dense heavy fog. This fog rendered observation almost impossible, and caused much difficulty in maintaining direction and keeping touch. But at the same time it had its advantages. It prevented the enemy from observing our movements.
The attack of our Battalion, which was Left Flank Battalion of the Australian Corps, was directed along the bank of the River Somme, on a frontage of 750 The 44th Battalion was on our South Flank, whilst the 41st Battalion was in support and the 43rd Battalion in reserve.
When the 42nd and 44th Battalions had reached a position 400 yards east of the Gailly-Warfusse Road, the 41st Battalion leap-frogged through the 44th Battalion and joined us in the advance.
We advanced to Cerisy-Gailly, where a bridge crossed the Somme and enabled us to link up with troops on North Bank, in fact, one company from the 9th Brigade was allotted to the 42nd Battalion, to advance on the North Bank of the Somme and so make contact with us at Cerisy-Gailly.
At Warfusse-Gailly, which was a small town where temporary buildings had been erected by the Germans, we found and captured a casualty clearing station or hospital.
The attack was pressed home according to plan. The enemy surrendered to us in large numbers and our first objective was reached by 7.30 a.m., and then the work of consolidation began.
Battalion Headquarters were established at Warfusse-Gailly at 8.30 a.m. The Battalion cookers were brought to this point and a hot breakfast was served to the men in the front line before 9 o'clock. This was considered a remarkable achievement, as never before had the cookers been so close to the front line in an attack.
So successful was our "breaking through" of the enemy's defences that the plan for the Fourth Division to leapfrog through our lines was carried out without a hitch. It was a magnificent sight to watch the troops, followed by artillery, travel over the ground we had just recently captured, and as we relaxed a little to get some of our breath back, we witnessed the advance and continuance of the general offensive.
A British Brigade on our Left Flank met with only partial success. This rendered our Left Flank exposed to enemy enfilade fire, which caused us many casualties.
But we had a great day. We took three hundred prisoners, captured three '77 guns, 25 machine-guns, 7 trench-mortars, and a large quantity of ammunition and stores, all at a cost of but few casualties. Our Battalion Headquarters were established in a locality which only a matter of seven hours previous had been well behind the enemy's front line.
The following day we rested in the position we then occupied, and on August 10th were ordered to take over from the 14th Battalion at Morcourt. The disposition of the 11th Brigade was as follows, the 41st Battalion on the right, 43rd on the left, with the 42nd in support and the 44th in reserve. The 11th Machine-gun Company with its sixteen guns along with the 11th Trench Mortars assisted each of the Battalions. We were now in the vicinity of Proyart.
It had been decided that the 10th Brigade would advance our line, but a flight of enemy bombing planes threw the 10th Brigade into confusion and its Commander was killed. This caused the 9th and 11th Brigades to be sent up in order to reinforce. During the following day all three brigades completed the operation by possessing themselves of the villages of Morcourt and Proyart, and the woods adjoining the River Somme.
During August 11th, arrangements were made for the 41st Battalion to attack and capture portion of the Amiens line, south of the Somme, which at that time was not held by us. The attack went well, but enemy machineguns remained active throughout. After a hard fight the whole line was captured. As the 41st Battalion moved to the attack, the 42nd advanced and took over the southern portion of the Brigade front, which that night was extended southwards. The 42nd was on the right, the 41st on the left, the 44th right support, and the 43rd lent support.
THE DAYLIGHT STUNT
The twelfth of August was the day on which we performed what has ever since been referred to as "The Daylight Stunt"
Commencing with daylight, the area was mopped up by 7.0 a.m. The 10th Brigade reported their patrols were east of Proyart. The 42nd and 43rd Battalions were ordered to establish themselves in assigned positions. The 42nd immediately sent out patrols and became engaged with the enemy, who was strongly holding St. Germains Wood. By a flanking movement, we captured that Wood along with something like sixty prisoners. For this attack we had no assistance from the artillery.
The general advance continued, but on account of the strong position encountered, our progress was slow, and this retardment was accentuated by the misunderstanding of a verbal message, whereby the operation of troops which should have supported us on the left, did not materialise until a later time than had been planned, and this, for a while, rendered our left flank exposed. Throughout all this fighting, enemy artillery fired heavily upon our newly acquired territory, mixing gas along with high explosive shells.
During the operation we were assisted by three platoons of the 44th Battalion which acted as carrying parties in the afternoon. Prisoners were brought in to the number of one hundred and ten. To have attacked such a position in broad daylight was to demand a very high standard of leadership as well as courage and efficiency on the part of all ranks.
Our men responded to the demands made upon them in every way, and the day's exploit resulted in a success, and this success was attributed to the irresistible dash and spirit of all concerned.
But at the same time, it has to be confessed, we suffered many casualties, quite fifty per cent of which were caused by enemy artillery fire, indicating that although the enemy had been allowed only extremely limited time in which to organise his artillery, our attack in broad daylight, without the aid of artillery, proved a costly undertaking.
Many of the enemy were seen in Long and Lug Woods, which gave the impression that he intended to counter-attack. In expectation of such a move, both our heavy and field artilleries were directed upon his concentration of troops, and this evidently prevented the development of any proposed counter-attack.
At mid-night we handed over to the Sherwood Foresters, and moved back to our old positions around CerisyGailly. The following few days were utilised in refitting and training. In this region, in such proximity to the River Somme, advantage was taken of every opportunity that afforded the luxury of a bathe and a swim.
It was on the 19th of the month that we moved across the Somme in order to execute some mopping-up work in an area that badly needed such attention.
A few days later we were at Reveille Farm, where Dame Nature staged a magnificent turn for us. Here we witnessed a most wonderful display of moonlight which turned the nocturnal hours into perfect daylight. But any flights into the realms of fancy which we might have been tempted to indulge in, were instantly dispelled when at 4.45 a.m. our barrage opened, bringing our minds back with a jerk to grim reality.
Three-quarters of an hour later we were moving forward again and advanced through our battery positions where the noise of the guns almost deafened us. The din from the massed artillery exceeded the limits of even the most powerful imagination.
As our companies arrived they took up positions in shell-holes recently vacated by the 33rd Battalion- Our Headquarters were established in tunnels, which only a short time prior had been occupied by the enemy.
The weather changed next day. It was intensely hot, and to add to our discomfort, the enemy drenched the wood we occupied, called Bois de Tailles, with phosgene and sneezing gas, with which were mixed quantities of high explosive shells.
Owing to troops on the left having retired from their objectives, our Battalion was immediately disposed for the north flank protection of the 11th Brigade. The objectives on the left were eventually regained on August 24th, on which day the village of Bray was taken by the 10th Brigade.
HAPPY VALLEY
Our advance still continued over the country which so recently had been in the enemy's hands. The locality over which our operations now spread is usually referred to as Happy Valley.
The nights of bright moonlight continued, and the weather remained warm, often unbearably hot, whilst at all times we were subjected to heavy shell fire, causing us to seek shelter and protection in shell-holes, wherein during daylight, we sometimes remained for long periods. When darkness fell, we dug in and consolidated our positions.
We were still closely following up the retreating enemy, who on August 26th, was observed vacating in disorder his position in Vaux Wood. His artillery however was very alert, so that any undue movement on our part resulted in immediate shelling in our vicinity. But the activity of his artillery subsided considerably towards evening.
At 7 p.m. we received orders to move forward through the 44th Battalion and take up a position in advance. These orders were subsequently altered, our C Company being used as reserve to the 41st Battalion, which made the advance, the other three companies were held in reserve. The Battalion was acting under command of the 44th Battalion during most of this operation.
PRAISE FOR THE COOKS
A word of praise might here be recorded for the work of the "Babbling Brooks" the term by which the cooks were always known throughout the Australian Army, for the manner in which they attended to the requirements of their comrades in the front line. Two, hot meals were taken forward daily during this stunt, by mess-orderlies who cheerfully carried out their duties
MONT ST. QUENTIN STUNT
Our Brigade was relieved by the 9th Brigade and on August 28th, we rested. Our equipment and organisation were checked and this naturally meant that some fresh activity was about to be launched. The expected order for a forward movement arrived soon after 9 a.m. on August 29th, then off we marched once more to trail the Hun. A few hours later we were occupying the Maricourt-Suzanne Valley, and for the time being, came under the command of the 9th Brigade. The reason for this was that the 35th Battalion (9th Brigade) had sustained so, many casualties that it had to be placed in reserve at Fargny Mill.
The 9th Brigade's line extended as far as Curlu, which at that time was the name for just a heap of brick-dust, though it was formerly a very flourishing village.
We were now entering that area which had been devastated by the enemy during the years of the earlier Somme battles. On August 30th, we took up a position in Hindley Wood, previously occupied by the 33rd Battalion. Here we remained until the early hours of the morning of the 31st, when at 3 a.m. our B Company moved up behind the 33rd Battalion, which had met with stubborn resistance on the part of the enemy.
So determined was the stand he made, that it was necessary for the Commanding Officer of the 33rd Battalion to call upon his reserve company (which was B company of the 42nd in order to gain his objective. Desperate hand to hand fighting took place in the maze of trenches with which the locality abounded.
Ample testimony of the fierce resistance put up by the enemy on this occasion was to be gained by the sight of the large numbers of dead Prussian Guards of the picked regiment called "The Kaiserin Augusta Grenadier Guards," whose bodies lay where they fell at their posts, due to the effects of our bombing and Lewis-gun and rifle fire. These Prussian Guards were fresh troops which had been hastily despatched to this front in an endeavour to stem the tide of success that was carrying us on to victory.
Our B Company went in with a strength of 63 all ranks, and at 3 p.m. it had a total of merely forty.
Three enemy planes dropped forty or more bombs in the vicinity of our bivouac, but beyond causing us to extinguish all lights and making us feel a bit breezy no damage was sustained.
The operations which took place on the first day of September are generally referred to as 'The Mont St. Quentin Stunt."
Late on the night of August 31st, a conference of Commanding Officers was held at the Headquarters of the 11th Brigade, which were situated in dugouts quite recently occupied by German troops. These along with a splendid engineering dump and general supplies of materials and artillery ammunition of all calibres, had fallen into our hands.
When the relief of the 9th Brigade was carried out, our B Company which had been in action with the 33rd Battalion was instructed by patrols to report back to Battalion Headquarters and rejoin the Battalion, which had now again become under command of our own, the 11th Brigade. This arrangement enabled B Company to get a good hot meal before the barrage opened.
The 42nd advanced to some sunken roads, with C Company on the north, D Company south, and A Company in support.
Our bombardment started at 5.30am. The attacking waves got off splendidly. The enemy had already received a terrible mauling at the hands of our B Company and the 33rd Battalion, and our intense barrage added to his discomfiture.
On catching sight of the 42nd men advancing, his demoralisation seemed to become complete. When we arrived, the enemy's troops were ready to give themselves up. With the exception of some few isolated instances, the surrenders were made hastily and with scarcely any attempt at defence. Prisoners totalling 300 were sent back from the 42nd and 41st positions one hour after the attack was launched. They were in appearance some of the finest types of German troops we had yet encountered.
Our artillery barrage died down in order to allow us to exploit our gain to the fullest extent, but when the guns ceased to fire it seemed that the morale of the enemy's troops stiffened as he managed to get a little of his breath back again. But we did not allow him much time for respiration or recuperation. It was not long before our Lewis gunners and riflemen played havoc with the hastily retiring enemy troops. We also utilised many of the captured German machine-guns, which we reversed and made them to fire upon their former owners.
INSTANCES OF ENEMY HEROISM AND ADAPTABILITY
It must not be thought for one moment that all the German troops were panic-stricken. There were, indeed, many instances of extreme bravery and devotion to duty on the part of sections of the enemy, some of which are worthy of being recorded, such, for instance, of two batteries of '77's, which gamely pulled out and retired, miraculously escaping the showers of bullets that followed them, and of two other gun-teams, equally brave but not so fortunate. No sooner were the latter observed galloping off, than they were dealt with by Lewis gunners of our right platoon and of the left platoon 41st Battalion, so that neither guns, horses nor drivers got any further.
At dusk, our relief by the 12th Somerset Regiment was commenced, and completed by 1.30 a.m.
When our companies returned to Battalion Headquarters, they were met by the cooks, along with their travelling cookers, and we were provided with a big substantial meal.
We bivouacked that night in dugouts in a valley, which in spite of its proximity to the scene of carnage, looked very beautiful under the crystal clear starlight. The air, too, was decidedly crisp and chilly, being in marked contrast to the continuous hot, balmy weather we had recently experienced.
MEDICAL OFFICER ORDERLIES, STRETCHER-BEARERS
During the day's operations the doctor and his orderlies were, as usual, unceasing in their labours.
Our medical officer, Doctor, M.O., or Quack, whatever one liked to designate him, along with a detachment of orderlies was supplied by the 11th Field Ambulance so that a doctor and his staff was with the Battalion at all times whether in or out of the line. The general practice was for the Battalion stretcher-bearers to bring in the wounded on stretchers, excepting in the cases of those who were termed "walking wounded." All cases were dealt with at the "Forward Dressing Station," or First Aid Post," and given immediate attention. They were then sent on by ambulance to the nearest Casualty Clearing Station from which the worst cases were sent to the base hospitals, by Red Cross Train, and sometimes to England. In the last instance, the wound which caused evacuation to England, was termed "A Blighty" which was our nickname for England.
As for the attention given to our wounded prisoners this was without exception equal to that given to our own men, for once a wounded man was taken prisoner, he immediately became an object for compassion, and there were few 42nd Battalion men who did not, under such conditions, share their cigarettes and rations with those who were their recent enemies.
ASSISTANCE FROM PRISONERS
The prisoners, too, deserve to be given credit for humanitarian work, for although forcibly enrolled, they carried out their duties as stretcher-bearers with willingness and alacrity.
The Aid Post, on this day, was established in a dugout situated a fair distance back, but the inconvenience of a long carry was overcome by making use of very big German ex-Guardsmen, who carried out the duties of stretcher-bearers under the surveillance of one of our own.
The new hands worked admirably, were quite docile and gave the impression that they liked their job. And so, by this means, our wounded, and the enemy's too, were speedily evacuated from the front line.
The Battalion marched off at 9 o'clock on the morning of September 2nd, and advanced due west from Clery, along the road to Curlu, on the outskirts of which we bivouacked.
The price we paid for the Mont St. Quentin Stunt was: Killed, 4 officers and 13 other ranks. Wounded: 2 officers and 48 other ranks, and two others missing.
Our gains comprised: 160 prisoners, 36 machine-guns, 3 howitzers, and ten .5 centimetre guns.
WE KEEP THE ENEMY ON THE RUN
After such strenuous times as we had experienced, it was only to be expected that we should have been utterly exhausted, and that is exactly the state we were in when the sun rose on September 4th. If there be any truth in the old saying, "There is no rest for the wicked," then the 42nd Battalion must have been a particularly bad lot, for at 11 o'clock that night instructions were received that we must prepare to move off at an hour's notice. The reason of this was that "the uninvited German visitors to France" had been observed packing up their luggage, evidently with the intention of making a hurried departure, and to the 42nd had fallen the duty of seeing those "unwelcome guests" well and securely "off the premises," and to make things so generally unpleasant for them as to give them no inducement whatsoever to alter their minds.
Accordingly, on September 5th we received orders to move to a position east of Mont St. Quentin. The route we took was along the Clery-sur-Somme Road, thence along the Mont St. Quentin Road.
THE TINCOURT STUNT
We had attached to us on this occasion, the Third Divisional Pioneer Battalion, which was allotted positions with us in the assembly line. Owing to the heat of the day and the dusty roads which were crowded with all kinds of military traffic, we found the approach march a particularly trying one. Our companies were all in position by 6 p.m. when we were given a hot meal.
Zero hour was midnight, and at 4 am on September 6th all companies reported having reached their objectives, and were in touch with each other. On the right, however, our B Company and D Company of the Pioneers had met with strong resistance at Cartigny. Artillery fire was at length effective in dislodging the enemy.
On the left our D Company was unable to get in touch with the 231st Brigade, and was compelled to establish a defensive flank. It was an extremely difficult matter to keep touch on account of the intense darkness, but at no time was it lost between our companies, Use was made of patrols of the Australian Light Horse which was valuable as a protective measure.
Our advance continued with unabated energy although at times strenuous and stubborn resistance was encountered.
Enemy artillery of all calibres was active. His machine-gun positions were numerous, and it took some hard fighting to dislodge them. On the right flank, our men on reaching the crest of the ridge were subjected to some heavy fire from a whiz-bang battery on the opposite slope. Our artillery got on to these guns and dispersed them, but we were still harassed by enemy machine-gun fire.
Our advance was temporarily held up on account of being unable to locate troops which should have been supporting us on the right flank, also by the condition of the men, who after days and days of ceaseless activity were in a state of great fatigue.
On the left, our C and D Companies had already gained Buire Wood, but owing to heavy shelling and machine-gun fire, could not carry their advance any further.
At mid-day it was decided to put down a barrage to assist the advance, and this enabled our left companies to reach their objectives by 6 o'clock p.m., but B Company and the Pioneers on the right did not carry their advance any further.
During the morning's operations troops on the left advanced under a barrage which overlapped our boundary by about 500 yards. This caused us to move over to the right, which had the effect of squeezing out one of our companies, rendering it practically a support company. This was unfortunate as C Company had made good Buire Wood, and upon going through it again, was subjected to severe fire from artillery and machine-guns. It was a remarkable position which the Company Commanders concerned handled well.
The strong opposition encountered by our left flank companies came from the direction of Tincourt, and later, when the ground had been captured by us, an enemy strong-post was discovered there. It consisted of two machine-gun positions, and scattered around each were three to four thousand empty machine-gun cartridge cases, which gave ample evidence of the extraordinary speed with which those bullets must have been showered upon us.
In every instance when the enemy retired he relentlessly set fire to all huts and buildings. This served him a double purpose. Firstly, the destruction of property, and secondly, to provide him with a very effective smoke screen to cover his retirement.
About midnight we were relieved by the 44th Battalion on the right and the 41st Battalion on the left. We then moved to a reserve position.
At noon, on September 7th, we moved forward two miles in support of the advancing vanguard, which this evening reached Roisel and Bernes. On the following morning, at 9 a.m., after having been relieved by the 1st Australian Brigade, we moved to a place called Doingt.
DOINGT
Not one expression of regret was heard about our being relieved. And little wonder. We had been employed in an unceasing, continuous series of operations which had depleted our ranks and left those remaining in a state of utter exhaustion.
Here, at Doingt, from the 9th to the 27th September we spent the time undergoing the regular out-of-the-line training, gradually recovering some of our lost strength. On various days we showed our prowess at football and cricket, and on the 21st took part in a sports gathering at which every unit of the 11th Brigade was represented. At nights quite a diversity of entertainment was provided for our enjoyment.
ENTERTAINMENTS AT NIGHT
The Coo-ees, the Third Divisional Concert Party, turned up with full orchestra and a galaxy of talent. They gave us good shows every night. And then we had our own 11th Brigade Concert Party called -The Blue Gums," who also enlivened the time for us. We might he pardoned for being a little biased in favour of the Brigade "Pierrots" as they were called, on account of several 42nd men being among the entertainers.
Our Battalion was by no means lacking in musical talent, for we also supplied the "Coo-ees" with some very capable artists and musicians.
But, without doubt, of most especial interest to us were the performances put over by our enemy ---Fritz. Nightly we waited with awesome expectation to' listen to his crooning of "The Gotha's Hum."
Scarcely a night passed without the warning signal being heard to "put out those ******* lights. Thrills of pleasure, mingled with excitement, filled our souls- as we watched our searchlights seeking out those birds of ill omen, high away up in the clouds. Immediately one was located, a concentration of dazzling beams surrounded it, making it appear like a gigantic silver moth. Strings of illuminated tracer bullets were directed towards it from innumerable Lewis and anti-aircraft guns, to sky nothing of an occasional pot shot from one of our own Battalion snipers. We sometimes had the satisfaction of seeing one brought down in flames, but those instances were not nearly so frequent as we should have liked.
They caused little harm to our camp. Peronne seemed to be their objective, still there were very few of us who could truthfully admit they "never got the wind up".
Thus recuperating, like some great fighting animal, licking its wounds after a fierce encounter, the 42nd Battalion lay quietly at Doingt, regaining its strength day by day.
Resistance
Attempts to extinguish the 42nd Battalion.
A Terrible Blow for the Forty-Second
It was decreed that a serious calamity should fall upon our Battalion. It was threatened with extinction.
Firstly, the news was heralded by "furphies" (the Digger term for rumours). These rumours gradually grew into certainties, until finally, orders were received that the 42nd Battalion was to be broken up forthwith.
Utterances of disgust and disapproval were heard on all sides, whilst consternation surged through our ranks.
We were, all of us, set and determined that no matter what the consequences might be to ourselves as individuals, the breaking up of our splendid unit would be resisted to the uttermost. To us, it was inconceivable that the military authorities could possibly imagine that we 42nd men would calmly submit to the destruction of our Battalion; a Battalion which had covered itself with glory and distinction; a Battalion which had won unstinted praise for its trustworthiness and unflinching devotion to duty; an association which had been the means of cementing bonds of brotherly love and comradeship such as had never been exceeded in the annals of time. That we should be smashed up was unthinkable. It could not be. It must not be.
PREPARATION FOR RESISTANCE
Secret meetings were held. King's Regulations were studied. A resolute spirit to stick together at all costs permeated the ranks of the Battalion.
Non-Commissioned officers, and others versed in military law, drew up a plan which in due course was confided to every member of the rank and file. Secret training in this direction went on for days and nights until each of us felt strong and ready to test the power of the military machine to crush us out of existence.
It was on September 20th that the anticipated blow fell. Instructions were received that the 42nd Battalion of the 11th Infantry Brigade of the A.I.F. be disbanded and its members transferred as reinforcements to the other three Battalions of the Brigade.
September 21st was the date of the momentous parade when our Commanding Officer, who was in charge of the parade, addressed us. He expressed the utmost regret at having to carry out the decision of the High Command, and asked us to realise that the position had been created by the demands of urgent necessity.
The following commands were given and unhesitatingly obeyed: "Attention. Slope Arms. Form Fours. Right."
Upon the order to "March" being given, none but officers moved. The men stood firm as a rock.
The parade was dismissed. Routine training under NCO's was continued during the next few days. Every order issued was strictly obeyed and carried out with alacrity.
The second effort to break up the Battalion occurred on September 25th. When we paraded on this occasion it was noticed that two officers of the 41st Battalion along with the band of that unit were in attendance, evidently to escort us.
Our Commanding Officer again addressed us and exhorted us to obey orders, and to understand that it was lack of reinforcements that had rendered the breaking up of the 42nd Battalion inevitable.
Every order he gave us was promptly obeyed until we were commanded to "March." Again officers responded but not one of the rank and file made the slightest attempt to move. The officers of the 41st Battalion, along with their band, then returned to their quarters.
The following day the 42nd Battalion was reorganised. Instead of its original establishment of four companies of four platoons of sixty men, the companies were reconstructed by having only three platoons each, and the platoons consisted of only twenty-one men. We were then equipped and made ready to fight again as "The Forty-second Battalion," in the forthcoming battle, when it was intended to take and hold the supposedly impregnable "Hindenburg Line."
To remark upon the enthusiasm with which the Battalion as a whole welcomed the decision, might seem superfluous' It was perhaps in the transport lines where it was hailed with the wildest delight. The joy of the drivers knew no bounds.
The horses attached to our transport had, by order of the 11th Brigade Authorities, been taken away and in their stead had been left some very sorry representatives of the equine species.
None but those who witnessed the parting of the drivers with their faithful companions could realise the anguish that surrounded those pathetic farewells. Our horses were considered the best in the Brigade, and every driver was justly proud of his team. In most instances they had been together since the inception of the Battalion Transport. Tears welled up in the eyes of the drivers as they said good-bye to their dumb comrades. It was difficult to keep the drivers interested in their work until the morning of the 28th September, when their horses returned to them, and though the condition of the animals was very much poorer than when taken away, each horse became the recipient of an ovation, greater than which no Melbourne Cup winner has ever been accorded.
SIR JOHN MONASH'S COMMENTS ON THE SITUATION
It will now be interesting to quote our Corps Commander, the late General Sir John Monash, who comments upon the situation in his book "Australian Victories in France," as follows:
"I have mentioned that early in 1918 all Brigades of the Imperial Service had, owing to declining manpower been reduced from four to three Battalions. In this reduction the Australian Brigades participated only to a small extent.
"Every one of the Australian Battalions had created great traditions. Regimental esprit and pride of unit were very strong. The private soldier valued his Battalion colour patches almost more than any other decoration.
"My predecessor in the Corps Command had directed the abandonment of one Battalion in each, the 9th, 12th and 13th Brigades. The residue of the disbanded Battalions were used to replenish the remaining three Battalions. It was doubtless a measure directed by necessity . . . the flow of reinforcements was steadily diminishing.
"I became fully alive to the difficulties which would present themselves when the fate of still other Battalions would have to be decided. It was a day I wanted to stave off until the last possible moment. .
"Towards the middle of September, 1918, the successful course of the fighting and the moderate rate of wastage had convinced me there was every hope that the strength of the remaining Battalions could be maintained at a useful standard to the end of the campaigning season of that year.
"I felt assured that the disbandment of a number of additional Battalions would seriously impair the fighting spirit of the whole Australian Corps.
"I was prepared to take the chance of being able to carry on until the end of 1918 with all the remaining Battalions intact.
"But I was not permitted to do so. At various times from June to August, an unimaginative department kept harassing me with enquiries . . . . These enquiries were at first ignored, but early in September the Adjutant General became insistent for a reply . . . . 1 urged a postponement of the question . . . Looking back, it seems scarcely credible these representations should have been ignored. I procrastinated . . . The responsible authorities overruled my objections, and on September 19th, I received peremptory instructions to disband eight additional Battalions.
"I had no option but to comply. , I called my Divisional Commanders together, and with them, decided which Battalions should suffer extinction . . . . It created a situation of extreme difficulty . . . . The whole of the personnel affected raised a very subordinate, but none the less determined, protest.
"One Battalion after another very respectfully, but very firmly, took the stand that they did not wish to disband, but would prefer not to fight as dismembered and scattered portions of other Battalions.
"This attitude, perhaps, bordered on insubordination, but it was conceived for a very worthy purpose. It was a pathetic effort and elicited much sympathy from the senior officers and myself. On the eve of the great operation for the overthrow of the Hindenburg Line, 1 found myself threatened with the possibilities of internal disaffection.
"This, to outsiders, who could have no understanding of the situation, might impair the fair name and prestige of the Australian Army Corps.
"Up to this stage, the Fourth Army Commander had been in no way concerned in the matter. The pressure came from the War Office and the Adjutant General's Department.
"Lord Rawlinson's interests, however, now became vitally involved. . . . I pointed out to him how inopportune was the time for risking trouble of this nature. The order for disbandment having been given must stand and obedience must be insisted upon, but a postponement of further action for fourteen days was desirable . . . .
"Rawlinson accepted my views in their entirety, and used his authority and influence with the Commander-in-Chief.
"A postponement of action was authorised and all Battalions which had been threatened with extinction, with one exception, were to remain intact during the remainder of the fighting period."
It is needless to state that at the time we performed our "remonstrance" we had not the slightest idea that such sympathy towards us existed in the minds of our superior officers.
Last battle - The Capture of the Hindenburg Line
The Assault of the Hindenburg Line
It was intended that two Divisions of U.S.A. troops should attack and capture the Hindenburg Line at certain points, between Le Catelet and Bellicourt, where the Somme-Escaut Canal runs underground through a tunnel.
Whilst this operation was being performed under the protection of a barrage, two Australian Divisions, namely, the 3rd and the 5th, were to leapfrog through the Americans and carry on the advance. At 8 o'clock on the night of September 27th, we moved out from Doingt. Owing to the great congestion of traffic our progress was slow, and this was accentuated by intense darkness. Our bivouac in consequence was not reached until midnight.
The route taken was along the Peronne-Roisel Road to Roisel, thence to Beau Lecois, and onwards in an easterly direction. We found the area to be absolutely devoid of shelter of any description. The weather was cold and frosty, in consequence of which we spent a cold uncomfortable night and did not sleep particularly well.
The next day we took advantage of the shelter afforded by a huge shell-crater. Whilst waiting there enemy artillery became very active, and hostile aircraft paid us assiduous attention by dropping bombs in our neighbourhood.
NON-SUCCESS OF THE AMERICAN TROOPS
On September 29th at 5.40 a.m. two Divisions of American troops attacked the Hindenburg Line between Bellicourt and Bony. A heavy artillery barrage was provided for them, but unfortunately they lost direction, and worse than that, neglected to "mop-up" the defences of the enemy over which they passed.
The attack was unsuccessful and the objectives were not reached. Owing to this failure, Australian troops which should have been engaged in exploiting the expected success, were unable to reach even their jumping-off line Instead, they were hastily sent forward to force the Hindenburg Line, which as stated before, should have been already accomplished.
Our zero time was 6.45 a.m. The barrage was an exceedingly good one. At this time our observation balloons moved forward 3,000 yards. We advanced in column, with fifty yards interval between platoons and later went on in artillery formation. We had only with us A, B, and D. Companies, our C Company having been split up into working parties and other details.
Besides heavy shelling and machine-gun fire, which was expected, we encountered a strong concentration of tear-gas, which however, cleared off within an hour.
When the leading Battalions of the Brigade topped the ridge, they discovered themselves to be in the midst of heavy machine-gun fire from the direction of Gillemont Farm and Malakoff Wood. Field guns were also firing from the support line of the Hindenburg Line.
The severe losses sustained by the American troops were due, partly to their inexperience, but mainly to the fact that in their excitement and enthusiasm, they had rushed forward impetuously, and had passed by the enemy's hiding places. After the Americans had got well forward, the enemy emerged from concealment and shot at the Yanks from the rear.
Australians had long ago learnt their lesson, and never failed to perform the operation called "mopping-up." Had the Americans attended to this most important factor, they would have saved themselves and the Australian troops, the loss of many valuable lives.
THE FORTY-SECOND ENTERS THE HINDENBURG LINE
We had to make good the incomplete work of the Yanks by resorting to the difficult and arduous process of bombing out every likely harbouring place. Through this, the advance of the 11th Brigade to the Hindenburg Line was held up until 3.30 p.m.
Although shelling by the enemy was not heavy at this juncture, it was consistent, and caused us many casualties. A large number of our tanks were put out of action by anti-tank weapons, and so at least were two of our armoured cars which got as far as Bony.
So far as war in the air was concerned, we had absolute mastery. At 4.45 p.m. our companies moved off and again encountered heavy shellfire as they took up positions near some cross roads. Our B Company proceeded to "mop-up" Malakoff Wood and cleared it of the foe, but fire from enemy machine-guns and shell fire rendered the place a very "hot shop!'
Our A Company went through B Company and entered the Hindenburg Line. One platoon proceeded to "mop-up" the front line from south to north, with another platoon in close support, whilst yet another platoon was operating, in a similar manner in the support line We were throwing away no chances.
Immediately upon our approach, enemy troops bolted down into tunnels, and were dealt with. Our A Company continued to work northwards along the Hindenburg Line until they had passed the forward elements of the 44th Battalion about 300 yards north of the locality called Todd Lane.
Meanwhile B Company had taken up a position m Quinnemont Pit Lane from Malakoff Wood to Paul Farm. D Company was in reserve, for several hours after dark under some low banks, and they were experiencing a pretty miserable existence. Besides numberless machinegun bullets flying around unceasingly, storms of heavy rain made matters still more uncomfortable. Eventually D Company was withdrawn to a trench which gave some slight measure of shelter.
All this time shelling in this area was heavy and consistent. The enemy placed his machine-guns in cleverly concealed positions, within extremely short range and made determined attempts to push us back by vigorously attacking with bombs.
We hung on with grim determination, but the thinness of our ranks, the weather conditions, and the lack of hot food, all conspired to make the task one of extreme difficulty. Still we persevered, and held the position until next day, September 30th, in spite of many untoward incidents. The splendid work of the runners might here be mentioned. It was a task, intricate and hazardous in the extreme for them to negotiate the immense masses of barbed wire entanglements which spread in all directions, and the enshrouding darkness rendered the surroundings an almost impenetrable maze. Under such circumstances, it was not to be wondered that messages should have been slightly delayed.
At one time there was a most unsatisfactory congestion of troops. It happened when the trenches were packed with Americans and 42nd men. On the arrival of the 43rd, 33rd, and 35th Battalions, in the vicinity of Top Lane to Malakoff Wood Gully, there was such a dense accumulation of troops that it was decided the 35th Battalion should withdraw until such time as the front line troops advanced and made room for the others.
Throughout the day our A Company was in touch with the enemy. Bombing encounters took place continuously though no appreciable amount of ground was gained. Their trenches were commanded by at least six enemy machine-guns, one of which could not be located, although it was only fifty yards away. It was very skilfully hidden in a mass of barbed wire, but subsequently it was brilliantly knocked out by one of A Company's N.C.O.'s.
Tanks at this time were still unsuccessful. Several were put out of action by shellfire from the direction of Bony. The others were withdrawn.
It appears that our A Company was responsible for most of the activity against the enemy on this day, September 30th, and it was seen to that they were kept well supplied with ammunition and bombs. At 6 p.m. we were' ordered to "hold fast," and pinpoint the line in anticipation of the taking of the tunnel by the 9th and 10th Brigades.
At midnight orders were received to relieve the 44th Battalion which we started to do forthwith, but the operation was rendered exceedingly difficult on account of the intense darkness, rain, and the slippery state of the ground. Thick uncut wire entanglements were encountered in all directions, so that we were not able to carry out the completion of the relief until 4 a.m. on October 1st. Although we were utterly weary and out of sorts there still existed the will and determination to clean up the position which at that time was far from satisfactory.
We eventually took up positions as follows: -D Company in the front line, B Company along the Canal Tunnel, commanding the entrance, with A Company in support. D Company was in touch with the 5th Australian Division on the right and with the 43rd Battalion on the left. Among our captures were a high velocity 10 centimetre gun, 4 '77 guns, and about 150 machine-guns.
The 10th Brigade made good progress in the Tunnel, and at 6 p.m. their line extended to The Knob, Bony Point.
The 33rd Battalion, which was attached to the 11th Brigade, pushed through us and held on from Bony Point
From daylight till evening Battalion Intelligence Section did splendid observation work, and reported many good targets for the direction of our fire.
Communication to companies was maintained by lamp and runner to Command Post, thence touch was preserved direct to Headquarters and Brigade by lamp and wire, and by wire to both Battalions on our flanks.
At noon, Battalion Headquarters were established at Command Post. The difficult and arduous task of keeping the men well supplied with hot meals was carried out by the Battalion Transport, which brought the meals up to the front line on pack mules, and though at times they were very much delayed, which caused us to grouse and grumble, it was realised, later on, how well and capably the transport had carried out its duties.
At 11 o'clock p.m. D Company was advised that the enemy was thought to be clearing out from Le Catelet. Patrols were immediately sent out to get in touch with the enemy. Machine-gun fire was encountered from the direction of Le Catelet and Guoy, whilst salvoes of shells came over from an easterly direction.
The next day, October 2nd, found us still "hanging on" and carrying out some very active patrolling work. The night had been clear and starry, but intensely cold. Though we were quite unaware of the fact, this was positively our last night of actual warfare.
Eventually we were relieved by the King's Royal Rifles. They had a trench strength of four Companies of 100 men, whilst all that remained of the 42nd, to be relieved, were three companies of but small numerical strength.
D Company had pushed out a platoon to garrison Le Catelet which was duly relieved, as were B Company in the Tunnel Headquarters, and the other companies.
We moved out in drizzling rain to bivouac for the night, making the best we could of the little shelter that was available. The next day, which was October 3rd, the weather took a decided turn for the better. It was a typical autumn day. After breakfasting, we took tally of our numbers and discovered that for the last two days our casualties had been remarkably few, but though the final casualty list was light, unfortunately several of our comrades died later from the result of wounds and sickness.
We eventually set out for Driencourt, where a hot meal awaited our arrival. There was no lack of accommodation in tin shelters and dugouts. Resting there for one day, we departed on the morning of October 5th. The weather was particularly fine as we marched along to Aizecourt-le-Haut, whence we were taken by light railway to Peronne. Here we changed into a train which took us back over the territory we had so recently captured; past many well-remembered places, to which the civilians were gradually returning; past war-scarred Villers-Bretonneux, thence on to Amiens, that picturesque and important town which was saved by the Third Division from falling into the hands of the enemy. At 7 o'clock that night the train drew into the station at Arraines. From here we marched ten kilometres to the pleasant little village of Vergies, and at one hour before midnight, were all snugly billeted. In less time than it takes to tell, we were tucked up in our blankets, sleeping the most peaceful sleep we had known for many a month.
Our travelling cookers and mess-cart arrived next day, having travelled by transport train.
OUR FIGHTING DAYS ARE OVER
Although the Armistice was not signed until about six weeks later, our work as a fighting unit of the Australian Imperial Forces had ended. At this juncture, however, we were not aware of that fact, but what we were quite certain of, beyond the shadow of a doubt, was that the Imperial High Command continued as determined and relentless as ever to accomplish something we had defied the enemy to do, namely, smash the 42nd Battalion.
THE THIRD ATTEMPT TO BREAK UP THE FORTY-SECOND
On October 10th, the Battalion paraded and, according to expectations, we were again addressed by our Commanding Officer.
He once more emphasised the necessity for the disbandment of the Battalion and urged the men to gravely consider the result of their actions and advised them to obey orders.
There were some few men who had expressed a desire to be transferred to other units, and these stepped aside when their names were called. The remainder stood firm, and when the command to "March" was given there was not a movement from one of them.
After this third resistance on our part, ceremonial parades, route marches, and general training occupied our days, excepting on the Sunday, when we attended a Church parade.
And so the fate of the Battalion still hung in the balance.
THE FOURTH, and FINAL EFFORT to EXTINGUISH THE BATTALION
The final effort to break up the Battalion was made on October 14th, on which occasion, when we paraded, our Commanding Officer was accompanied by Staff-officers from the 3rd Divisional Headquarters and the 11th Brigade, and these officers included the General Officer Commanding the Division, General Gellibrand.
The men were cautioned against disobedience to orders. One of the senior officers then read "The Riot Act," after which the order to "March" was given. And again, not one man moved. All officers then left the parade ground. We were taken for a route march, and upon our return it was discovered that our Cookers had been taken away.
We were informed that the 42nd no longer existed, and that henceforward we were to he designated "The 11th Brigade Training Battalion." But the pathetic struggle to "stick together" continued. A more subtle plan was therefore devised to expedite the dismemberment. During the next few days many N.C.O.'s and other aspirants for promotion were drafted to training schools. Any man complaining of the slightest ailment was forthwith sent to hospital, whilst leave to Paris or England, was freely granted.
By such means were the ranks of the 42nd so depleted that whatever resistance might have been offered, could be but feeble.
Upon our arrival at Vergies the strength of the Battalion was 35 officers and 500 other ranks. All that now remained was but 273 all told. This remnant, along with the Brass and Pipe Bands, was transferred, intact, to the 41st Battalion, and hence onwards, until demobilisation, was known as "B Company of the 41st."
Thus, we were still a distinct body. A unit, within a unit, with which it never merged.
And so was sacrificed the 42nd Battalion.
From the ashes of that sacrifice arose the unmistakable signs of its un-quellable spirit.
It is with feelings of deepest pride that we leave to posterity the traditions of our Glorious Battalion, the annals of its devotion to duty and its sacrifices, but above all, we bequeath the Inspiration of its Spirit. The Spirit which encouraged us in the hours of danger and hardship; the Spirit which united its members in harmony and mutual trust, and which twenty years later, proudly survives, and will, we venture to predict, endure so long as there be but two 42nd men left to stick together.
Comradeship
Demobilisation - Return to Australia
The History of B Company of the Forty-First Bn.
It may now be of interest to learn what befell the 42nd Battalion in its new guise as B Company of the 41st, and of the subsequent return to Queensland of that large number of 42nd men who formed part of what was known as "The 39th Quota" of which our own Commanding Officer, Lt-Colonel A. R. Woolcock was in command.
WE LEAVE VERGIES FOR WARLUS
It was on October 21st, that we marched from Vergies to take up our new position with the 41st Battalion.
We were duly inspected by our new Commanding Officer on the 25th, when we undertook our first route march along with the 41st Battalion. We still wore our 42nd colour patches, and continued to do so in spite of all orders to the contrary.
We carried on daily with training and were plagued with what were termed "Ceremonial Parades, - included in which was a stunt which we dubbed "The Prussian Mad Mile!' The term is self-explanatory. And then we had all the paraphernalia of the "bull-ring," which was a continuous performance, lasting over a couple of hours, during which time we were put through physical exercises, bayonet fighting, bomb-throwing, marching, jumping; in fact, all the arts of the bull and the toreador put together.
There were also competitions for shooting, which took place at the rifle range nearby.
Having during the past months of continuous activity, slipped somewhat from the path of cleanliness, we rejoiced at the prospect of renewing our acquaintance with the art of keeping clean, and embraced every opportunity that was afforded to bathe in good baths that had been established in a village called Allory.
Our favourite haunt at night was Arraines, where estaminets and egg-and-chip warehouses did a flourishing trade.
THE ARMISTICE
Whilst we were at Warlus the most important event of the War occurred. On November 11th, we learnt that the Armistice had been signed. Immediately thoughts passed through our minds of the problems that faced us with regard to earning our future livelihood.
Military training was relaxed forthwith, and in its place, educational schemes were put forward and efforts to assist us to again take our places in civilian life were made.
It was on November 26th 1916, that the 42nd landed in France, so when that anniversary came round again in 1918 we decided the event was one worthy of being celebrated. This we accordingly did, and with gusto.
Early in December we moved out from Warlus and took up our abode at a village called St. Maxent, twelve kilometres distant from Abbeville. But though we changed our residence our daily routine was unaltered. Adjacent to ours, were several interesting villages each with a quaintness particularly its own. The principal of them all was called Oisement, which might be designated a town, for it had a large market place and on market days, presented a very animated scene. Leave to Amiens and Abbeville was easily attainable, and it was less difficult now to obtain leave to England and Paris.
Christmas 1918 was spent under very different conditions to those of the two previous years. We had a splendid Christmas dinner. A cheque for £100, received from the 42nd Battalion Comforts Fund, organised by Queensland ladies, was the means of making the festive season more festive than ever.
New Years Day was celebrated the following week, and probably as a New Year's gesture of goodwill, the military authorities performed a good deed a few days later. They lightened our load considerably. Henceforward we were to march in "Fighting Order," which meant our old bugbear, the pack, had been discarded for good.
NON-MILITARY EMPLOYMENT
Non-military employment was a scheme put forward with a view to help the placing of men in employment upon demobilisation. Firms in Great Britain offered opportunities to us to learn trades, whilst schools, academies and institutes were made follow up a profession.
Many availed themselves of these offers, and eagerly filled in the necessary form. In due course they were sent to Blighty and for the time being, became practically "soldier-civilians."
The scheme seemed a good one to us, and those who availed themselves of it were called "schemers" and instead of "Non-Military Employment," it was referred to as ''Bon Military Enjoyment."
ST. MAXENT
For those who did not take advantage of the scheme the daily routine at St. Maxent was relaxed. The exercise that was insisted upon was just sufficient to keep us healthy.
The months that passed whilst awaiting demobilisation were made as pleasant for us as circumstances would permit.
Now, as the time grew nearer when we should again be civilians and move among our dearest ones, it was not unnatural that many found their thoughts turning towards the more devotional side of life. This was indicated by the increasing attendance at Church parades of all denominations.
DANCING
Many were the methods introduced to make the time of waiting less wearisome. Without doubt, the most successful of them all was the pastime of dancing. The proposal, on being tried out, immediately caught on. So popular did it prove, that many who prior to the War had never attempted to dance a step, were now found among the most proficient and enthusiastic exponents of the art. It was astonishing to witness the manner in which men danced together in their great, heavy, sprigged-soled, leather Cossacks
OUR PARTNERS
After a while, dancing with male partners lost its charm, so we invited seventy-five Waacs to a special dance. These Waacs were members of the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps, the initials of which go to make up the name by which they were always known to us. They were transported to and from our camp by motor lorries.
The success that attended this experimental dance was so great that several others were subsequently arranged, as were also sports gatherings where both Diggers and Waacs entered into competition. We also had some fights with these Waacs, but only snow-fights, and these were greatly enjoyed. The Waacs usually got the better of us in these encounters being more used to snow games, whereas few Australians had ever seen snow prior to arriving in these regions.
THE Y.M.C.A. MARQUEE AND HUTS.
The floor of the Marquee where the dancing took place was laid down by the Diggers. The Marquee itself was erected by the Young Men's Christian Association, or as it was termed by the men "The Y. Emma C. Ack!" There were also provided for us, the use of four large Nissen Huts, wherein were facilities for reading, writing, and for the playing of games such as draughts, chess and billiards. A piano, gramophones, a fair library and files of Australian and English newspapers and magazines were at our disposal.
Our baths had been removed to a place called Huppy. The frequent use we made of these baths helped to keep the men fit, and the chats away.
EXHIBITION OF ARTS AND CRAFTS
During February, an exhibition of Australian Art and Crafts was opened at a place called Martainville. The, exhibitors were all of them members of the Third Division, and many beautiful and artistic specimens were among the objects of handicraft displayed.
There were also boxing tournaments and other contests, whilst the Divisional Concert Party, "The Coo-ees" entertained with songs and jokes. The Y.M.C.A. established a canteen to cater for the inner man. Altogether, it was a splendidly organised show, greatly appreciated by one and all as a wonderful break in the dull monotony of waiting.
YEARNING FOR AUSTRALIA
Our thoughts were forever turning in the direction of Australia. Now that our job was done, none of us could get home quickly enough. There was, unfortunately, at this time, an industrial upheaval in England which made it appear to us, who were so eager to get home, that we were doomed to be exiled in France for an interminable period. Scathing was the criticism levelled at the tactics of those who were responsible for delaying our return.
It was not before the middle of February that our first quota for home was formed. Everyone seemed to want to get out on the "first wave." A little excitement was now added to the monotonous daily routine, by the inauguration of kit inspections, medical examinations and medical boards.
OOZE, SLUSH AND MUD
And now the snow began to melt. The rain began to fall. The ice began to thaw. The French villages where we lived or frequented became the very acme of discomfort and dreariness. We designated our village "Venice on the Mud," and the young French girls we called "Muddy-moiselles." The ground was sodden. The roads oozed with mud and slush. Even the main highway was in an appalling condition, but we had put up with a great deal worse than that at Passchendaele.
Our first quota eventually left St. Maxent, on March 18th. Two nights prior to this, a dance was held to mark the occasion, to which were invited the mademoiselles of the village of St. Maxent.
Our departing comrades were accorded a rousing farewell, as they left for a town called Gamaches, en route for England and Australia.
WHILING AWAY THE TIME
We now settled down to get over the period which had to elapse before our second quota of "homing birds" would make ready to fly. A series of interesting lectures was instituted. The subjects selected give a bearing on the trend of thought at that time. They were: Unionism, Strikes, Women in Industry, Bolshevism, and Problems facing Australia.
The appeal of the dance continued. We had another party to which we invited the Mademoiselles of Doodlenville, and then to vary things a little, a few nights later, invitations were issued to another batch of Waacs.
The 11th Brigade Concert Party, "The Blue-gums," came along to help us while away the time. They presented a really first-class concert, to a large audience in which were included many French people who appeared to enjoy the presentation in spite of the fact that they could not understand our language.
Another visitation of heavy falls of snow arrived, accompanied by gusts of piercing wind. Then rain turned up in full force and succeeded in mixing up the snow with mud, so that wherever the eye rested only thick, filthy slush was discernible.
THE BEGINNING OF A NEW SERIES OF MEDICAL EXAMINATIONS
Although it needed but one medical examination to pass one into the army, it was obvious that innumerable medical inspections would be necessary before one could be discharged. We had completely lost count of all the inspections we had undergone in the past, but now we started off scratch and began all over again in real earnest. The first of the "new series" took place on April 9th.
A MOVE NEARER HOME
About the middle of April we progressed a little towards Australia. We bid farewell to St. Maxent and moved to the town of Gamaches, which although only a few kilometres distant, was the recognised starting-off point for Home. Whilst here we underwent a medical examination.
CHINESE LABOUR TROOPS
There were a great number of Chinese coolies employed in this locality, engaged in all kinds of laborious jobs. They were segregated in compounds. During the course of the War they had been utilised in carrying out much useful work in the back areas. Few, if any, of us could understand their language, but they all seemed happy enough in spite of that drawback.
They too, had their concert party. Some of us attended a performance of a Chinese Pierrot show. Being unable to form the least conception of their entertainment, it appeared somewhat ridiculous to us. Their singing was awful.
LE HAVRE
At length, on April 23rd, we left Gamaches by troop train. This train was composed entirely of German trucks which had been captured. We found them rather more comfortable than those of the French Railways. Each truck was equipped with a stove, which enabled us to make hot tea and cocoa for our midday meal.
We duly arrived at Le Havre at 11 o'clock that night,
WE SHED OUR FIGHTING EQUIPMENT
The following day was one of the utmost importance. It was a day of parting, but there was no trace of a tear in any eye as we said "Good-bye" to our webbing equipment, and packs. This was handed over, along with rifles and steel helmets, to German prisoners of War, who were employed at the store at Le Havre. Thus standing, relieved of every accoutrement of warfare even to the box-respirator, with only our uniforms to suggest that we were once soldiers, we began to imagine that we had been transformed straight away into civilians But the feeling was only momentary. Another medical inspection was at hand to remind us we were still in the army.
ANZAC DAY 1919
We celebrated Anzac Day whilst at Le Havre.
A monster sports gathering was presented. Soldiers of any of the Allied Forces were permitted to participate in any of the events. Some French naval men engaged our boys in a tug-o'-war, but were not quite good enough. Our girl friends, the Waacs, entered keenly into many of the races and competitions.
ADIEU TO FRANCE
During the next few days it rained, which was very depressing, but we cheered up when on Monday, April 28th, we bid Adieu to France. It was an agreeable surprise when we found that we were to be transported to the wharf by motor-lorries. Such transport was unusual for infantry. It was generally understood that everywhere the infantryman went, he must walk. This was indeed a change.
In the evening we embarked on the s.s. "St. David," and after quite a good passage across the English Channel, disembarked the following morning at Southampton and entrained for Codford, a town on Salisbury Plain.
CODFORD
Soon after arrival we were medically examined and inoculated against influenza, which was raging. Here at Codford, we found ourselves, for the first time in our experience, living in a camp that was near to a railway station. The town, too, was unexpectedly handy.
It was that type of town generally found near to military camps. Along the main street were canteens, branches of most of the principal banks, and temporary stores where it was possible to purchase every requirement at a reasonable figure, provided one did not wear the Australian uniform, which was the signal for popping up the prices.
The period was the middle of spring. The surrounding country was to be seen under the most pleasant conditions. Wherever the eye rested, a picture awaited its gaze. Beautiful landscapes, trees and hedges of verdant green, wild flowers of every hue, fruit trees a blaze of bloom, and all kinds of plant life in leaf and bud.
THE THIRTY-NINTH QUOTA
We now became members of the thirty-ninth quota, and on May 22nd, our names were checked on the boat's roll.
The occasion was celebrated by again calling upon us to undergo a medical examination. But what did we care? It was another step nearer Home, and we had become quite resigned and impervious to medical inspections, yet we did have a surprise when on June 5th, as a final souvenir from the English doctors, we were again stabbed with the needle, as a further precaution against influenza. Next day, we had "a medical examination."
Early on June 12th, we vacated Codford Camp, and realised that we had at last really started on our journey to Australia. After a pleasant journey by train we eventually reached Devonport, embarked upon the tender which took us out to our transport, the s.s. "Thermistocles."
ABOARD THE TRANSPORT
Anchor was weighed on FRIDAY, the THIRTEENTH of June. It was said that a black cat had fallen overboard and was drowned.
One of our fellows stated he had seen a clairvoyant, when on leave, who foretold that he would never reach Australia without mishap.
The officer in charge of troops was our own C.O. Lt.-Colonel A. R. Woolcock. The adjutant was another 42nd Battalion officer.
We were fortunate in having with us two concert parties, namely, "The Coo-ees," and the Third Machine Gunners Concert Party, called "The Apres-la-Guerres". We also had a good band and an orchestra.
Other means of recreation were afforded in the way of lectures, debates and talks illustrated by lanternslides.
Mention of the padre who was with us must not be omitted. He was a ball of energy, and his interest in the welfare of the troops never flagged for a moment. Due to his efforts there were all kinds of stunts and competitions for our amusement and entertainment. For the more serious aspect of catering for the needs of our future employment, no less than twenty-five distinct classes of vocational training were inaugurated and well attended.
During the voyage we received news that Germany had signed the Peace Treaty at Versailles.
Eventually we arrived at Cape Town. Here we found the citizens bent upon giving the visiting Australian troops as good a time as possible. So well did they succeed in their endeavours that each man must have carried away with him lasting impressions of an unselfish, hospitable, and loving people. We were received into private homes, taken for pleasure trips, and invited to teas, tennis afternoons, and musical evenings.
We remained in Cape Town for two days, embarked again on the night of July 2nd, and resumed the voyage on July 3rd, in good weather. We all of us thought our next stop would be Melbourne, and little thought that in two days time we should be back again in Cape Town under sad and distressing circumstances.
COLLISION AT SEA
It was a quarter of an hour before midnight on July 3rd, in the midst of a dense fog, that our transport came into collision with another vessel, the "Edderside," a Norwegian barque, bound from Durban to Buenos Ayres with a full cargo of coal.
At the time of striking, the troops were in their hammocks, most of them fast asleep. The noise of the impact was awful. Everyone awakened with a start. Some were thrown from their hammocks. The Alarm was sounded. Everyone was summoned on deck and ordered to "Stand to Boat-stations."
Life belts were donned. All were filled with expectancy as they made themselves ready for the emergency of leaving the ship by boat or raft. Happily we were not called upon to take the midnight plunge.
The Transport stopped immediately the crash was heard. The sea could not be discerned from the decks owing to the dense fog. Several minutes elapsed broken only by the shrieking of the Transport's siren. Cries of distress came to our ears. Meanwhile the ship's boats had been lowered. In them were rescuers with lighted flares. The calls for "Help" were heart-rending. The fog made the task of rescue difficult and arduous.
Survivors clung to the wreckage of the "Edderside," which sank within five minutes of the collision. Eventually "thirteen" of the unfortunate crew were brought on board. It was understood that eight or more had perished.
We remained in the vicinity of the disaster until long after daybreak, when careful search failed to reveal any more survivors. Reluctantly leaving the scene we headed for Cape Town.
It was evident that the Transport had sustained much damage. A collection for the shipwrecked men was taken up among the troops resulting in the amount of £160 being subscribed, which was largely augmented by the series of benefit concerts given in Cape Town by "The Coo-ees."
So, within forty-eight hours of leaving Cape Town, we were back again, with even the least superstitious among us ' fully convinced that Friday is a bad day to leave port ' and THIRTEEN is indeed an ominous number.
BEHAVIOUR of TROOPS in ACCORDANCE with BRITISH TRADITIONS
The Cape Town "Argus" on July 10th, 1919, published the findings of the Court of Enquiry that was appointed, among which was the following comment:
"It is very pleasing and gratifying to learn that the 1,500 Australian troops behaved most splendidly, in accordance with the traditions of the British race, and the Court is thankful to the Almighty that a second Birkenhead disaster did not occur."
The people of Cape Town made, if possible, a greater fuss of us than they did before, evidently regarding us, more or less, as shipwrecked heroes. We consequently got quite used to the place and found ourselves treated more like residents than enforced visitors.
The "Thermistocles" was ordered to Simonstown for docking and repairs, and on July 8th, we re-embarked and next morning floated into the fine up-to-date dry-dock at Simonstown. The damage to the "Thermistocles" consisted of three broken propeller blades and a bent tail shaft. The ship was compelled to remain in "Hospital'' for several days.
This necessitated the withdrawal of all troops from the Transport. We were thereupon ordered, some into military barracks at Simonstown, and the rest into an Imperial Garrison Camp at Wynburg, a suburb of Cape Town.
After a week of sightseeing and entertainment, we returned to the "Thermistocles" at Simonstown, and on Sunday, July 20th (not Friday, this time) set sail for Australia.
FUN AND FROLIC AT SEA
We were at sea on August 4th, the anniversary of the outbreak of hostilities, so it was decided to commemorate it with celebrations on a large scale.
Humour was the dominant note in the day's proceedings, which started with a fancy dress carnival. There were over one hundred entrants in this competition for the most original presentation, and many of them were well thought out and sustained. The winner represented "an Influenza Patient," whilst the second prize went to "A Demobilised Digger and His English Bride."
A "Telegraph Messenger" delivered supposed wireless messages to various well-known persons on board, causing much laughter at the expense of the recipients.
Bussing parties, imitating street-singers, went the rounds of the decks, and the days entertainment was brought to a close by the holding of a Mock Court of (in) -Justice.
Port Phillip Heads were eventually reached on Friday, August 5th.
ANOTHER MEDICAL INSPECTION
Before the ship berthed at Port Melbourne, we had to undergo another medical examination, and then, as the bands on board played "Home, Sweet Home," and "Should Auld Acquaintance be Forgot," we parted with our comrades from Western Australia, South Australia and Victoria. The remainder, who were Queenslanders and New South Welshmen, were granted leave for the afternoon, and it was not long before we had the pleasure of promenading the streets of an Australian city, after an absence of over three years.
We resumed our voyage the following day, reaching Sydney on Monday, August 11th. This port was the destination of the "Thermistocles." We disembarked and were taken from Wooloomooloo, through the streets of Sydney, in private motor cars, which conveyed us to the special train awaiting to take us back to our beloved Sunny Queensland.
APPRECIATION OF LADY WAR-WORKERS, NURSES, AND V.A.D.'s
The New South Wales people treated us splendidly, entertaining us at Gosford with a dinner, and further on, at Werris Creek, we received still more refreshments.
We changed trains at Wallangarra, where Queensland friends provided us with breakfast. All along the line there were manifestations of pleasure at our return. Stanthorpe, Warwick, Toowoomba, Helidon, Ipswich vied with each other in offering their hospitality. As for our lady war-workers, nurses, and V.A.D.'s, they can never be forgotten whilst any 42nd man lives.
This narrative is a fitting place where appreciation of the self-sacrificing work performed on our behalf can be recorded.
We eventually arrived in Brisbane, and before many hours had passed, received our discharges, after having undergone another medical inspection.
The War was over. Our term of service was completed.
MEMORIES
All that remain are "Memories." Glorious Memories! Memories that insist there is something grand and noble in the friendship established between man and man in the friendship that was born in camp and cemented on the fields of battle, midst fire, danger and hardship
For thus it was that the men of the Forty-Second Battalion, A.I.F., became welded into a band of faithful comrades.
It is hoped this narrative may provide a further impetus towards fanning "The Flame of Remembrance," and cause those now living, and generations to come, to realise the depth and significance of
"THE SPIRIT OF THE FORTY-SECOND"
The End.
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